2004 Election
Swift Boat Veterans for Truth
In
2004, the Swift Boat Veterans for Truth started out on the margins of
the presidential race. In an era of Old Media domination, they might
have stayed there. When the group's founders held a news conference
at the National Press Club in Washington on May 4, there was nothing
in the next day's Washington Post, and the episode got scant
attention elsewhere. A conservative website, FreeRepublic.com,
however, covered the news conference and listed the fax numbers of
Establishment news organizations, urging readers to send missives
demanding to know why they were "blacking out" the event. A
day later, the Post and New York Times carried short
stories inside the paper. The Post report included the Kerry
campaign's response that the Swift Boat Veterans was a "politically
motivated organization with close ties to the Bush administration."
The
Swift Boat Veterans for Truth was organized by Vietnam veterans who
profoundly resented Kerry's role in the antiwar movement. Some of the
men personally had served with Kerry in Vietnam. The group was funded
and promoted by prominent Republicans, several of whom had ties to
both President Bush and Karl Rove, though no evidence of a
coordinated effort ever emerged.
As
it happened, the Swift Boat Veterans for Truth need not have worried
about the amount of coverage they would receive, in either the New
Media or the Old. And the spasm of publicity would come at the worst
possible time for Kerry. On July 28, one day before Kerry formally
accepted the Democratic nomination at the party's national convention
in Boston, Drudge touted the imminent release of Unfit
for Command: Swift Boat Veterans Speak Out Against John Kerry. On
the morning of Drudge's report, the book was ranked at #1,318 on
Amazon.com. The next day it had jumped to #2, and within a couple of
days it hit #1.
The book,
published by the conservative Regnery Publishing, alleged that key
elements of Kerry's account of his Vietnam service were false. Most
dramatically, it claimed that Kerry's Bronze Star for heroic service,
earned on March 13, 1969, was based on fraud. The group also
questioned other aspects of Kerry's versions of his tour of duty and
his involvement with the antiwar movement.
Beyond
the book, the Swift Boaters started with relatively modest purchases
of television advertising time. But their sophisticated political
advisers knew that cable TV, talk radio, and, eventually, the Old
Media would pick up on the ads themselves as controversial content,
and give them the equivalent of millions of dollars in free coverage.
This, of course, promoted their message and drove up awareness of
their cause, traffic to their website, and donations to their
coffers. In the end, the group was able to purchase additional
millions' worth of television ads. Democratic polling showed
widespread awareness of the group's message, even in places where the
advertisements never aired. The group's work also lit up the
blogosphere and talk radio for weeks, giving the Old Media another
hook in covering the coverage of the story.
The Swift
Boaters pointed out authentic flaws and contradictions in some of
Kerry's assertions about his war service and protest activity. But
their most sensational claims were either unsupported by evidence or
contradicted by independent journalistic inquiries. This nevertheless
did nothing to diminish the group's significance in the 2004
campaign: It inflicted crippling damage on Kerry. Many of his
strategists in retrospect regard the Swift Boat Veterans as the
single biggest reason he is not president today. Initially, coverage
was limited, and what did appear was sympathetic to Kerry. A
Washington Post story from August 6 led with John McCain, a
prominent Republican but a longtime Kerry friend, defending his
fellow senator. The Post cited McCain's interview with the
Associated Press in which he attacked the group's campaign as
"dishonest and dishonorable."
Yet
within a couple of weeks the Swift Boat Veterans charges were
dominating the front pages, and reporting teams were assigned to
ascertain the truth of the group's charges.
One
reason the controversy moved from the margins to front-and-center was
that Bush's reelection team -- which had been watching the story with
delight -- helped push it there. While there is no evidence that the
Bush campaign orchestrated the group's allegations, surrogates gave
the charges respectable validation. The party's 1996 nominee, war
veteran Bob Dole, appeared on CNN on August 22 and declared that the
Vietnam criticism was fair game.
If
nothing else, Dole said, it exposed Kerry as a hypocrite: "I
mean, one day he's saying that we were shooting civilians, cutting
off their ears, cutting off their heads, throwing away his medals or
his ribbons. The next day he's standing there, 'I want to be
president because I'm a Vietnam veteran.' " As for the merits of
the accusations, Dole suggested that the Swift Boat Veterans could
not all be "Republican liars -- there's got to be some truth to
the charges." What about Kerry's war wounds? "I respect his
record. But three Purple Hearts, and [he] never bled, that I know of.
I mean, they're all superficial
wounds. Three Purple Hearts and you're out [of the combat zone]."
A week later, the president's own father weighed in similarly on CNN.
From what he could tell, the forty-first
president said, the claims of the Swift Boat Veterans were "rather
compelling."
The
Swift Boat Veterans' offensive presented Kerry with a classic
political dilemma. If he responded, it might only elevate the
prominence of the allegations. The alternative was to let damaging
charges go unrebutted. It was not an easy question at the time but,
in retrospect, there plainly was a right and a wrong answer. Kerry
chose the wrong one. He and his team allowed themselves to imagine
that, because the Swift Boat Veterans at first
were not getting wide coverage in the Old Media, they could not be
gaining much traction with the public.
Like
many Democrats, Kerry and his team believed that presidential
campaigns are fundamentally about which candidate has the best
thirty-two-point policy plan and who snags the most endorsements from
top-tier newspapers. The reality is that campaigns are also character
tests. And, unlike gossip about a possible affair, the Swift Boat
controversy went to the heart of Kerry's leadership character. As
August dragged on, a debate grew in Kerry's campaign about whether to
get off the sidelines and defend aggressively against the Swift Boat
Veterans. The debate was resolved with a bold decision: Let's wait
for polling to settle the matter. By the time the numbers came back,
it confirmed
for Democrats what Republicans already knew. The Swift Boat blitz was
raising serious doubts among some swing voters about Kerry's veracity
and values. Kerry's team finally
responded, with a demand that Bush apologize for the Swift Boat
attacks. That wan parry, which Bush swatted away, was so late and so
lame that it hardly projected an image of strength, or solved the
problem.
The
entire episode, like Kerry's earlier encounters with the Freak Show,
revealed the combination of indignation (How dare they attack me!)
and insecurity (This is a crisis -- let's take a poll!) that was at
the heart of Kerry's campaign. In his defense, it must be said that
this combination is characteristic of many Democrats. So, too, was
the reaction of his party: pervasive grumbling to Old Media reporters
about its candidate's incompetence in standing up to New Media abuse.
…
Bush
certainly had his own Freak Show moments. The September 2004
controversy over whether he had evaded his commitments to the Texas
Air National Guard was an example. That story, however, promoted by
the Old Media warhorse CBS News, promptly was demolished by New Media
critics. And though Bush survived it, the episode illustrated that
he, too, had a life of competing narratives. According to some, he
was a man born to privilege but with a common touch, whose life had
been infused with new purpose once he embraced religious faith. This
faith was the core of a presidency that had led the nation through
the worst attacks on native soil in American history and was keeping
the country safe in a dangerous new era.
There
was another narrative, too. Bush was a daddy's boy and a lifelong
mediocrity who was comically unprepared for the presidency and was
elevated to the office by a Republican-weighted Supreme Court. With
hawkish surrogates making the decisions, Bush had blundered into a
disastrous war and had led the nation to the brink of catastrophe. As
in 2000, the country in 2004 divided almost perfectly down the middle
over which version of George W. Bush they found more plausible.
…
… Just
after the Democratic convention, voters who thought Kerry would keep
America strong militarily outnumbered by 19 percentage points voters
who said he would not. After Labor Day the margin was 3 percentage
points. Over the same time period, Kerry saw comparable declines on
"strong leader" (from 18 to 1) and "trust John Kerry
to be commander in chief" (16 down to 3).
Because
of the Swift Boat attacks, Kerry had to shy away from discussing
Vietnam, which the campaign had planned to use as its entrée into
presenting Kerry as a regular guy (through his crewmate
relationships), illustrating his mettle, displaying his ideas for
national security, and positioning him as a wartime president. Within
Kerry's campaign, there was a roiling debate about when and how to
take the issue on, but there was always more talk than action
(Halperin
and Harris 24-28).
In
his April 22, 1971, testimony [before
Congress],
Kerry related the personal experiences of other Vietnam veterans who
conveyed their personal experiences and focused blame on the leaders
at that time -- not the soldiers -- for the atrocities they claimed
to have committed or witnessed:
KERRY: I would like to talk, representing all those veterans [VVAW members], and say that several months ago in Detroit, we had an investigation at which over 150 honorably discharged and many very highly decorated veterans testified to war crimes committed in Southeast Asia, not isolated incidents but crimes committed on a day-to-day basis with the full awareness of officers at all levels of command.
[…]
KERRY: They told the stories at times they had personally raped, cut off ears, cut off heads, taped wires from portable telephones to human genitals and turned up the power, cut off limbs, blown up bodies, randomly shot at civilians, razed villages in fashion reminiscent of Genghis Khan, shot cattle and dogs for fun, poisoned food stocks, and generally ravaged the countryside of South Vietnam in addition to the normal ravage of war, and the normal and very particular ravaging which is done by the applied bombing power of this country. [Media Matters, 10/23/04]
Factcheck.Org:
“Since Kerry Testified, Ample Evidence Of Other Atrocities Has Come
To Light.” A 2004 Factcheck.org piece found “ample
evidence” to support Kerry's 1971 congressional testimony on the
atrocities of the Vietnam War:
Some atrocities by US forces have been documented beyond question. Kerry's 1971 testimony came less than one month after Army Lt. William Calley had been convicted in a highly publicized military trial of the murder of 22 Vietnamese civilians at My Lai hamlet on March 16 1968, when upwards of 300 unarmed men, women and children were killed by the inexperienced soldiers of the America l Division's Charley Company. And since Kerry testified, ample evidence of other atrocities has come to light. [Factcheck.org, 11/8/04] (Feldman and Grouch-Begley14-15).
FACT: Swift Boat Campaign Was Based On Lies, Factual Distortions
Swift
Boat Allegations Were Replete With Inconsistencies And Outright Lies.
Allegations
leveled against Kerry in 2004 by members of the Swift Boat Veterans
were replete with inconsistencies and factual discrepancies:
George
Elliott: Elliott, Kerry's commanding officer in
Vietnam, told conflicting stories in 2004 about Kerry's service. He
first said in early 2004 that he had no qualms about Kerry's actions
that earned him the Silver Star in Vietnam, affirming that they were
“exemplary.” But in the group's Swift Boat ad, Elliott stated:
“John Kerry has not been honest about what happened in Vietnam.”
After the first Swift Boat ad aired, Elliott changed his story
again, saying that his Kerry attack was “a terrible mistake.” He
added: “I'm the one in trouble here. ... I knew it was wrong. ...
In a hurry I signed [an affidavit] and faxed it back. That was a
mistake.” But in yet another flip-flop, days later, Elliott
announced that he stood by claims that Kerry “had not been honest”
about Vietnam. [Media Matters,
11/9/07]
Dr.
Louis Letson:
Letson, who claimed he treated Kerry in Vietnam, disputed Kerry's
account of how Kerry received his first Purple Heart, saying, “I
know John Kerry is lying about his first Purple Heart, because I
treated him for that injury.” Letson later claimed Kerry's wound
was too small to justify the medal. In fact, according to Kerry's
medical records, Letson was not the doctor who signed off as having
treated Kerry the night of the injury. Moreover, Navy guidelines
during the Vietnam War for Purple Hearts did not take into account
the size of the wound when awarding the honor, which invalidated
Letson's wound claim. [Media
Matters,
11/9/07]
Cmdr.
Adrian Lonsdale: In 2004, retired Cmdr. Adrian Lonsdale
claimed that Kerry “lack[ed] the capacity to lead,” which was at
odds with what he reportedly said about Kerry during his 1996 Senate
race. According to reports from ABC News and Air Force Times,
Lonsdale stated: “It was because of the bravery and the courage of
the young officers that ran boats ... the swift boats and the Coast
Guard cutters, and Senator Kerry was no exception.” In 1996,
Lonsdale explained that Vietnam War medals could only be awarded if
battle events were corroborated by others -- this explanation
contradicted Swift Boat Veterans' 2004 claims that Kerry won his
awards only because he was able to write up false reports and fool
his commanders. [Media
Matters, 11/9/07]
Navy
Lt. Larry Thurlow: Thurlow,
who commanded a Navy Swift boat alongside Kerry's in Vietnam --
which resulted in Kerry earning a Bronze Star -- affirmed as late as
April 2004 that Kerry “was extremely brave, and I wouldn't argue
that point.” Four months later, Thurlow publicly disputed Kerry's
medal, claiming it was a fraud. Thurlow maintained that Kerry was
“not under fire” that day and that the claims that units
involved came under “small arms and automatic weapons fire” were
“totally fabricated.” In fact, according to The
Washington Post,
the citation for a Bronze Star Thurlow also received that same day
for actions on a swift boat alongside Kerry's, detailed how both his
and Kerry's boats sustained “enemy small arms and automatic
weapons fire.” [Media
Matters, 11/9/07]
Stephen
Gardner: Gardner, who served as a gunner under Kerry's
command, was repeatedly cited as an eyewitness to key Kerry events
in Vietnam. Gardner later admitted however that “he was not on the
boat with Kerry during the incidents for which Kerry got his
medals.” [The Columbus
Dispatch, 8/6/04,
via Media Matters]
Alfred
J. French: French, a veteran featured in the Swift Boat
ads, claimed: “I served with John Kerry. ... He is lying about his
record.” French also agreed that Kerry had received his Purple
Heart “from negligently self-inflicted wounds in the absence of
hostile fire.” But in an interview with The Oregonian,
French
admitted he had no firsthand knowledge of the
events surrounding Kerry's medals and that his information came
secondhand from “friends.” [Media
Matters, 11/9/07]
Time
Magazine:
“Swift-Boating's Essence Is A Particular Kind Of Dishonesty.” A
Time
magazine
article described “swift-boating” as “a particular kind of
dishonesty”:
There
have, of course, been dirty politics and outrageous infamies since
the beginning of the Republic. Swift-boating is not about that. Nor
is it merely negative campaigning. There's nothing wrong with
criticizing your opponent if the criticism is accurate and important.
Swift-boating's essence is a particular kind of dishonesty, or rather
a particular combination of shadowy dishonesties. It usually involves
a complex web of facts, many of which may even be true. It exploits
its own complexity and the reluctance of the media to adjudicate
factual disputes. No matter how thoroughly a charge may be
discredited, enough taint remains to support an argument. The
fundamental dishonesty is the suggestion that the issue, whatever it
is, really matters. This is how swift-boating differs from its cousin
McCarthyism, which deals in totally baseless charges that would be
deeply serious if true. Swift-boating is McCarthyism lite. [Time
Magazine, 6/12/08]
Kerry’s
opponents ... understood that they could strike at the heart of his
campaign by questioning his Vietnam service, together with his
statements on behalf of VVAW. Under federal campaign finance law,
individuals could form so-called “527” organizations to raise and
spend unlimited money for political advocacy, as long as they did not
coordinate with or endorse particular candidates. Additionally, by
2004, the “new media” of talk radio, blogs, and 24-hour news
channels, particularly in the conservative vein of Fox News, was
challenging the control of news traditionally exercised by the major
networks and newspapers.
All of these elements created an
environment in which groups like Swift Boat Veterans for Truth could
seriously affect the election.
Veterans
Who Served With Kerry Documented 10 “Lies Told By People Who Were
Not There And Never Bothered To Talk With Us.” In
a 12-page letter disputing the Swift Boat campaign against Kerry, a
group of 10 veterans identified 10 falsehoods from the campaign that
members stated had “tarnished the sacrifices [they] made”:
T]he
lies of the SBVT ... tarnished the sacrifices we made, called into
question the medals we were awarded and challenged the very
authenticity of our service. In countless radio talk shows,
television appearances and ads, newspaper and magazine interviews,
not to mention political speeches and group appearances, SBVT lied
about our skipper's and our service in Vietnam and in so doing,
damaged our reputations and attacked the quality of our service to
country. We have children and families who were deeply affected by
these lies and we believe you and the SBVT whom you supported owe us
and the American people an apology for the tactics you bankrolled.
Those
of us who served with John Kerry on PCF-94 were personally there, on
the boat and with him in the actions for which he was awarded a
Silver Star, a Bronze Star and two of his purple hearts. Many of us
were decorated for some of these same actions and we are outraged
that thirty five years later, for political purposes, people lied so
outrageously about what we did, attacking our character and the
Navy's integrity--lies told by people who were not there and never
bothered to talk with us. How can your group call itself the Swift
Boat Veterans “for Truth” when you never interviewed the PCF-94
boat eyewitnesses? [Letter from PCF-94 crew, 6/19/08, via Huffington
Post]
John
E. O'Neill, founder of Swift Boat Veterans for Truth, had extensive
ties to the Republican Party, including ties to the Nixon
administration and contributions of more than $14,000 to GOP
campaigns. Member Ken Cordier was also found to have GOP ties,
including serving as a member of the Bush-Cheney '04 National
Veterans Steering Committee and being named to a Bush administration
POW Advisory Committee. [Media Matters, 8/24/04]
(Feldman and Grouch-Begley 9-13).
Here
is more commentary about the Swift Boat story.
The
effects of the Swift Boat Veterans for Truth’s advertisement
quickly
outstripped its low
buy-in cost of $500,000.
Immediately,
the commercial began appearing all over television and online media.
In response, donors sent millions of dollars to the group, adding to
the serious money that O’Neill was already receiving from wealthy
Texas Republicans, including Bob Perry, T. Boone Pickens, and Harold
Simmons.
The
advertisement ushered in a period of decline for the Kerry campaign,
which, shepherding resources and not expecting the accusations to
gain traction, waited two weeks before responding. By August 30, as
the Republican National Convention began, Kerry and Bush were polling
neck-and-neck again. Most damaging of all, Kerry’s Vietnam service
had become controversial, rather than reassuring, and it was largely
dropped from the remainder of his campaign.
The
Swift Boat Veterans for Truth and its effective television
advertisements (the most memorable of the campaign) became one of the
most important elements of the 2004 election. The ads were endlessly
parsed within the context of a new media environment and an anxious
electorate divided over questions of war and national security. The
group capitalized on this context by combining it with decades-old
anger over criticism of the Vietnam War and contemporary disapproval
of Democrats like Kerry who criticized the war in Iraq. Ultimately,
the group’s efforts succeeded so well that the verb “swift-boat”
has entered the Oxford and American Heritage Dictionaries. However,
as those entries define it, “swift-boating” refers to public
campaigns which utilize “personal attacks” and “exaggerated or
unsubstantiated allegations.” Thus, while the Swift Boat Veterans
for Truth succeeded in helping to defeat John Kerry, they did so in a
way that many remember as a low point in modern U.S. politics
(Buckaloo 1-2).
Works
cited:
Buckaloo,
David, “Swift Boat Veterans for Truth.”
Center for Presidential History.
Web.
http://cphcmp.smu.edu/2004election/swift-boat-veterans-for-truth/
Feldman,
Marcus and Grouch-Begley, “Fox
News Kicks Off ‘Swift Boat’ Campaign against
John Kerry Ahead of
Possible Defense Post.” Media
Matters,
November 14, 2012. Web.
https://www.mediamatters.org/fox-friends/fox-news-kicks-swift-boat-campaign-against-john-kerry-ahead-possible-defense-post?redirect_source=/research/2012/11/14/fox-news-kicks-off-swift-boat-campaign-against/191387
Halperin,
Mark and Harris, John F., Excerpts from
The Way to Win
and the ABC internet article “
Political
Pundits on How to Win the White House.” ABC
News,
October 30, 2006. Web.
https://abcnews.go.com/Politics/Books/story?id=2517449&page=1
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