Freedom Rides
Greyhound Bus -- Anniston
Following the momentum
of student-led sit-ins in Greensboro, North Carolina and Nashville, Tennesssee
in early 1960, an interracial group of activists, led by Congress of Racial
Equality (CORE) Executive Director James Farmer, decided to continue to
challenge Jim Crow segregation in the South by organizing “freedom rides”
through the region. They used as their
model CORE’s 1946 “Journey of Reconciliation” where an interracial group rode
interstate buses to test the enforcement of the Supreme Court’s decision in
Morgan v. the Commonwealth of Virginia which outlawed segregation in interstate
travel. White southern segregationists resisted CORE’s efforts. When most of
the demonstrators were arrested in North
Carolina , the police effectively aborted the Journey
of Reconciliation.
Recalling that failed
effort 15 years earlier, James Farmer organized a new generation of black and
white activists to travel on interstate buses to test the 1960 United States
Supreme Court decision in Boynton v. Virginia which reiterated the earlier
ruling prohibiting racial segregation in interstate transportation (Mack
1).
"So that everything would be open and above board, I
sent letters to the
President of the United States , President Kennedy;
to the Attorney General,
Robert Kennedy; the Director of the FBI, Mr. Hoover; the
Chairman of the
Interstate Commerce Commission, which regulated interstate
travel; to the
President of Greyhound Corporation; and the President of
Trailways Corporation.
And I must say we got replies from none of those letters,”
Farmer would state later (Freedom Quotes 1).
John F. Kennedy had been elected
president, in large part due to widespread support among blacks who believed
that Kennedy was more sympathetic to the civil rights movement than his
opponent, Richard Nixon. Once in office, however, Kennedy proved less committed
to the movement than he had appeared during the campaign. To test the
president's commitment to civil rights, CORE would send two interracial groups on chartered buses into the deep South. The whites would sit in the back and
the blacks in the front. At rest stops, the whites would go into blacks-only
areas and vice versa. "This was not civil disobedience, really,"
explained … Farmer, "because we [were] merely doing what the Supreme Court
said we had a right to do." But the Freedom Riders expected to meet
resistance. "We felt we could count on the racists of the South to create
a crisis so that the federal government would be compelled to enforce the
law," said Farmer. "When we began the ride I think all of us were
prepared for as much violence as could be thrown at us. We were prepared for
the possibility of death" (Cozzens 1).
Half of the Freedom Riders would travel on a Greyhound bus and
the other half on a Trailways bus. Their
ultimate destination was New Orleans ,
Louisiana .
Prior to the 1960
decision, two students, John Lewis and Bernard Lafayette, integrated their bus
ride home from college in Nashville ,
Tennessee , by sitting at the front
of a bus and refusing to move. After this first ride, they saw CORE’s
announcement recruiting volunteers to participate in a Freedom Ride, a longer
bus trip through the South to test the enforcement of Boynton. Lafayette ’s parents would
not permit him to participate, but Lewis joined 12 other activists to form an
interracial group that underwent extensive training in nonviolent direct action
before launching the ride (Freedom Stanford 1).
“One of the most
remarkable things about the Freedom Rides is that …there was not a single
incident of breaking the discipline,” Raymond Arsenault, author of Freedom Riders: 1961 and the Struggle for
Racial Justice, said. “It’s hard to think of anything more
striking in American history than that.”
Even seemingly minor
details were not overlooked. For the day of the rides, a dress code was
implemented: women in dresses, skirts, and the men in sport coats. “They wanted
to look like they had just come out of church or Sunday school,” Arsenault said
(Colvin 1).
The Freedom Riders left Washington DC
on May 4, 1961. It was scheduled to arrive in New Orleans on May 17, the seventh
anniversary of the Brown v Board of
Education decision.
The first significant confrontation with segregationists
occurred in Charlotte , North Carolina . Joseph Perkins, twenty-seven year-old CORE Field Secretary, was arrested for trespassing for attempting to have his shoes
shined at a whites-only shoe stand. Perkins refused to post bail
and spent two nights (May 8 and 9) in jail. On May 10, Judge Howard B. Arbuckle
found him innocent of the trespassing charge based on the precedent set in
Boyton v. Virginia . Perkins would rejoin the riders May 11.
On
May 10 several white men attacked a group of Freedom Riders at the Greyhound
bus terminal in Rock Hill , South Carolina , as they attempted to enter
the whites-only waiting room. John Lewis, Al Bigelow and Genevieve Hughes
sustain injuries. Two men set upon Lewis, battered his face
and kicked him in the ribs. The attack was broken up by local police.
Lewis
received then a telegram inviting him to Philadelphia
for an interview for a position with the Peace Corps. He decided to go,
intending to rejoin the Freedom Riders in Birmingham .
The
Freedom Riders arrived in Atlanta
on May 13 and attended a reception hosted by the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr.
They wanted King to join them on the buses, to become a Freedom Rider himself. King
passed on a warning that the Klan had "quite a welcome" prepared for
the Riders in Alabama .
He urged them to reconsider traveling
through the Deep South . He whispered
prophetically to Jet Magazine reporter Simeon Booker, who was
covering the story, “You will never make it through Alabama ” (Freedom Stannford 2). Despite King’s warning, the CORE Freedom Riders left Atlanta on May 14, bound for Alabama .
Informed
that his father had died unexpectedly, James Farmer needed to return to Washington , D.C.
to attend his father’s funeral. James
Peck replaced Farmer as leader of the perilous project. Peck phoned Fred Shuttlesworth, the pastor of
Birmingham 's Bethel Baptist
Church and the leader of
the Alabama Christian Movement for Human Rights, to give him the exact arrival
times of the two Freedom Buses.
Shuttlesworth told Peck that Birmingham
was alive with rumors that a white mob planned to confront the Riders at the
downtown bus stations. Peck calmly told
his riders about Shuttlesworth’s warning.
He also related a warning he had received about potential difficulties that
might arise at Anniston , a rest stop on the bus
route to Birmingham .
To allay fears, he stated he had no
reason to believe the Riders would encounter serious trouble prior to their
arrival in downtown Birmingham . The four-hour ride would give them considerable
time to prepare an effective nonviolent response to the waiting mob, should
such an eventuality exist.
The Greyhound Bus
The
two busses carrying the riders left Atlanta
an hour apart. The Greyhound group, with Joe Perkins in charge, left first at
11:00 A.M. The bus was more than half empty. Fourteen passengers were on board:
five regular passengers, seven Freedom Riders, and two journalists, Charlotte
Devree and Moses Newson. The riders were
Genevieve Hughes, white, 28, CORE field secretary; Al Bigelow, white, 55, retired naval officer; Hank
Thomas, black, 19, Howard University student; Jimmy McDonald, black, 29, CORE
volunteer; Mae Frances Moultrie, black, 24, Morris
College student; Joe
Perkins, black, 27, CORE field secretary; and Ed Blankenheim, white, 27, a
carpenter. Three of the regular
passengers were Roy Robinson, the manager of the Atlanta Greyhound station, and
two undercover plainclothes agents of the Alabama Highway Patrol: Eli Cowling
and Harry Sims. Following the orders of
Floyd Mann, the director of the Alabama Highway Patrol, Cowling carried a
hidden microphone to be used to eavesdrop on the Riders. Unsure of the Freedom
Ride's itinerary, Mann and his boss, Governor John Patterson, wanted to know
what the Riders planned.
Just
south of Anniston ,
the driver of a northbound Greyhound motioned to the driver of the Freedom
Riders' bus, O. T. Jones, to pull over to the side of the road. A white man
then ran across the road and yelled to Jones through the window: "There's
an angry and unruly crowd gathered at Anniston .
There's a rumor that some people on this bus are going to stage a sit-in. The
terminal has been closed. Be careful." With this message the Riders' worst
fears seemed to be confirmed, but Joe Perkins — hoping that the warning was a
bluff, or at least an exaggeration — urged the driver to keep going. A minute
or two later, as the bus passed the city limits, several of the Riders couldn't
help but notice that Anniston's sidewalks were lined with people, an unusual
sight on a Sunday afternoon in a Deep South town. "It seemed that everyone
in the town was out to greet us," White Rider Genevieve Hughes, 28-year-old
CORE Field Secretary, later commented.
Nineteen-year-old
Hank Thomas, who had joined the 1961 CORE Freedom Ride at the last minute after
his Howard University roommate John Moody had dropped
out with a bad case of the flu, remembered the strange feeling that he and the
other Riders felt as the bus turned into the station parking lot. The station
was locked shut. There was utter silence.
Then, suddenly, a screaming mob, led by
Anniston Klan leader William Chappell, surrounded the bus. Thomas thought he
heard the driver, O. T. Jones say, "Well, boys, here they are. I brought you some niggers and
nigger-lovers."
An
eighteen-year-old Klansman and ex-convict, Roger Couch, stretched himself out
in front of the bus. The others,
approximately fifty in number, carrying metal pipes, clubs, and chains — milled
about, many screaming: "Dirty Communists! "Sieg heil!" No policemen were
present, even though the manager of the Anniston Greyhound station, had warned
local officials earlier that a potentially dangerous mob had assembled.
After the driver
opened the door, Cowling and Sims hurried to the front and managed to close the
door. Frenzied attackers began to smash
windows, dent the sides of the bus, and slash tires. Genevieve Hughes watched a man walk by the
side of the bus, saw him slip a pistol from his pocket, watched him stare at
her for several minutes. She heard the
sound of shattering glass. She shouted,
"Duck, down everyone," thinking that a bullet had struck one of the
windows. It had been a rock. A second man cracked the window above her
seat with brass knuckles. Joe Perkins's
window was also cracked. The assault
continued for almost twenty minutes.
The Anniston police finally
arrived. The officers examined the
broken windows and slashed tires but made no attempt to arrest anybody. Eventually, the officers cleared a path in
the crowd and motioned for the bus to leave the parking lot.
A police car led
the Greyhound to the city limits and then turned back, leaving the bus to the
mercy of the pursuing mob. A long line of cars and pickup trucks, plus one car
carrying a news reporter and a photographer, followed. Two of the cars, ahead of the bus, forced it to
slow down. The thirty or forty cars and
trucks were occupied mostly by Klansmen, none wearing hoods or robes. Some had just
come from church, wearing coats and ties and polished shoes. Some had children with them.
Two tires now
flat, six miles southwest of Anniston ,
in front of the Forsyth and Son grocery store, the driver pulled over to the
side of the road. Roy Robinson and the
driver ran into the grocery store hoping to call a local garage that might have
replacement tires. Back in the bus, Eli Cowling
had retrieved his revolver from the baggage compartment. A teenage boy smashed a side window with a
crowbar. A group of men and boys rocked
the bus trying to turn it over on its side. A second group attempted to enter through the
front door. Brandishing his gun, Cowling blocked them, retreated, locked the
door behind him. For the next twenty
minutes Klansmen pounded on the bus demanding that the Freedom Riders come out.
Two highway patrolmen arrived. Neither made an effort to disperse the crowd,
Cowling, Harry Sims, and the Riders stayed inside.
One members of
the mob, Cecil "Goober" Lewallyn, tossed a flaming bundle of rags
through a broken window. The bundle
exploded; dark gray smoke spread throughout the bus. Genevieve Hughes, seated only a few feet away
from the explosion, thought first that the bomb-thrower had thrown a smoke
bomb. The smoke got blacker. The flames started to engulf several of the
seats. Crouching in the middle of the bus, she screamed: "Is there any air
up front?" No one answered.
"Oh, my God, they're going to burn us up!" she yelled. She found an open window six rows from the
front, thrusted out her head, and saw the outstretched necks of Jimmy McDonald
and Charlotte Devree. Seconds later the
three Riders squeezed through their opened windows. Choking from the smoke and fumes, they
staggered across the road. They were
afraid that the other passengers were trapped inside, but then they saw that several
passengers had escaped through the front door on the other side.
Members of the
mob were pressing against the door screaming, "Burn them alive" and
"Fry the goddamn niggers." An
exploding fuel tank persuaded the mob that the whole bus would within seconds
explode. The frightened mob
retreated. Cowling pried open the
door. The choking occupants
escaped. Hank Thomas was the first Rider
to exit the front of the bus. A white
man rushed toward him, asked: "Are you all okay?" Before Thomas could
answer, the man struck Thomas’s head with a baseball bat. Thomas fell to the
ground and remained barely conscious while the rest of the gasping Riders
collapsed on the grass.
Several white
families had gathered in front of the grocery store. Twelve-year-old Janie Miller gave choking
victims water, filling and refilling a five-gallon bucket, ignoring the
Klansmen’s insults (Gross/ Arsenault 3- 7)
.
“It was the worst suffering I’d ever heard,”
Miller would recall in the PBS /American Experience film, Freedom Riders. “I
walked right out into the middle of that crowd. I picked me out one person. I
washed her face. I held her, I gave her water to drink, and soon as I thought
she was gonna be okay, I got up and picked out somebody else.” For daring to
help the injured riders, she and her family were later ostracized by the community
and could no longer live in the county (Doyle 7).
Cowling's pistol, the heat of the fire, and the acrid fumes
from the burning seats kept the mob away. A second fuel tank explosion drove them farther
back. Two warning shots by the highway
patrolmen on the scene persuaded the Klansmen to slip away. Minutes passed. Cowling, Sims, and the patrolmen stood guard
over the Riders, lying and sitting yards away from the shell of the bus. No one in a position of authority had
attempted to make an arrest. Nobody had
recorded the license numbers of the Klansmen's cars and pickup trucks. No one attempted to call an ambulance. Finally,
a white couple who lived close by permitted Genevieve Hughes to make a call. Nobody answered. The couple drove Hughes to the hospital. One of the state troopers called for an
ambulance. Its driver refused to carry any of the black Riders. Already loaded,
refusing to leave behind their black friends, the white Riders began to exit. Cowling spoke sternly to the driver. He relented.
All who needed to be transported were driven to Anniston Memorial
Hospital .
Genevieve Hughes discovered that only a nurse was at the
hospital. The nurse gave her pure oxygen
to breathe. It burned her throat, did
not relieve her coughing. She was
burning hot. Her clothes were a wet
mess. After awhile Ed Blankenheim and Bert Bigelow were brought in. Laying on their beds, they continued to cough. Eventually a woman doctor arrived, having
taken several minutes to reference smoke poisoning. A Negro man (not a Freedom rider) who had been
in the back of the bus with Genevieve was brought in. She told the nurse and doctor to take care of
him. They did not. They did nothing for
Hank Thomas. Of the thirteen people brought
to the hospital, only Ed Blankenheim, the Negro man and Genevieve had been
admitted.
After awhile, having slept, Genevieve was questioned about
the bombing by an FBI agent. She was
unaware that he or another FBI agent on the scene had persuaded the medical
staff to treat all of the injured passengers.
Perhaps the cause of their failure to comply had not been entirely
racial. A group of Klansmen made an
unsuccessful attempt to block the entrance to the emergency room. The crowd outside swelled in numbers. Several Klansmen threatened to burn the
building down. With nightfall
approaching, recognizing that he had no police protection, the hospital
superintendent ordered the Riders to leave.
Even though Hughes and several other Riders needed to stay, Joe
Perkins had to comply. It took him more
than an hour to arrange safe passage out of the hospital. The state troopers and the local police
refused to provide the Riders transportation or escort even when they were
transported. Bert Bigelow called friends
in Washington
hoping to receive help from the federal government. Perkins called Reverend Fred Shuttlesworth in Birmingham . Shuttlesworth mobilized a fleet of eight cars. He reminded the volunteer drivers that they
had to behave non-violently. “You
mustn't carry any weapons. You must trust God and have faith." Out of sight, several of the deacons pulled
out shotguns from beneath their seats.
Shuttlesworth's deacons made their way across the back roads
toward Anniston . The hospital superintendent insisted that the
interracial group could not stay the night.
At last the rescue mission pulled into the parking lot. The police holding back the jeering crowd and
the deacons showing their weapons, the Riders climbed into the cars. The cars left. One rescuer remarked: “You
couldn't tell the deputies from the Ku Klux."
The Riders wanted to know the fate of the Trailways
group. Perkins's phone conversation with
Shuttlesworth earlier in the afternoon had informed him that the other bus had also
run into trouble. The deacons knew few
details of the story. Even so, it was
evident to all that the defenders of white supremacy in Alabama had decided to smash the Freedom
Ride with violence. They would not
countenance the law, the U.S. Constitution, or anything else interfering with
the preservation of racial segregation in their state (Gross/ Arsenault 8-11)
Works cited:
Colvin, Rhonda. “As Trump attacks John Lewis,
here’s how freedom riders broke the chains of segregation.” The Washington Post. January 15, 2017. Web. https://www.washingtonpost.com/national/we-were-soldiers-the-flesh-and-blood-behind-the-new-civil-rights-monument/2017/01/15/4d1c9edc-42dc-11e6-88d0-6adee48be8bc_story.html?utm_term=.3a43ab1ea4f6
Cozzens, Lisa.
“Freedom Rides.” Watson.org. Web. http://www.watson.org/~lisa/blackhistory/civilrights-55-65/freeride.html
Doyle, Jack. ““Buses
Are A’Comin’- Freedom Riders: 1961.” PopHistoryDig.com. June 24, 2014. Web. http://www.pophistorydig.com/topics/tag/james-farmer-freedom-rider/
“Freedom Rides: American Civil Rights Movement.” Encyclopedia
Britannica. Web. https://www.britannica.com/event/Freedom-Rides
“Freedom
Rides Quotes.” Uen.org. Web. https://www.uen.org/freedomrides/downloads/Freedom_Rides_Quotes.pdf
“Freedom Rides.” Stanford: The Martin Luther King, Jr.
Research and Education Institute. Web. https://kinginstitute.stanford.edu/encyclopedia/freedom-rides
Gross, Terry. “Get On
the Bus: The Freedom Riders of 1961,” containing excerpts from Raymond Arsenault’s
Freedom Riders: 1961 and the Struggle for
Racial Justice. NPR. Web.
https://www.npr.org/2006/01/12/5149667/get-on-the-bus-the-freedom-riders-of-1961
Mack, Dwayne.
“Freedom Rides (1961).” BlackPast.org. Web.
https://blackpast.org/aah/freedom-rides-1961
“Meet the Players: Freedom Riders.” American
Experience. Web. http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/americanexperience/features/meet-players-freedom-riders/
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