Tuesday, July 30, 2019

Interview
Conducted by Esther Rabbit July 26, 2019
 
 
 7 Questions With Author Harold Titus
Raised most of his childhood in Pasadena, CA, Harold Titus graduated from UCLA with a bachelor’s degree in history.  He spent 2 years in the army prior to the Vietnam War.  He is a retired eighth grade English and American history teacher, having taught 31 years in Orinda, CA. 

He enjoyed coaching many of his school’s boys and girls sports teams.  Basketball was his favorite sport.  He and his wife have lived the past 22 years on the central Oregon coast.  For 10 years Titus was active in local and state politics. 

Seven years ago he took great pleasure in giving his children and grandchildren copies of his novel, “Crossing the River.”  A year ago his second historical novel, “Alsoomse and Wanchese,” was published.  Both are legacies of sorts, expressions of who he is, testaments of what can be achieved by hard work.

For the ones of you who are new to my blog, I’m Esther, writer, content creator for authors and massive nerd. If you’re interested to know all the tips & tricks surrounding the process From Writing To Publishing Your Novel, you’re only a click away. For more goodies, articles and giveaways, please consider subscribing to my Newsletter.


 harold titus books

Are you a plotter or a pantser?


 
I am both.  First, regarding characters and events, a historical novelist must honor what most historians have agreed upon to be established fact.  You must never thumb your nose at truth; you must not substitute intentionally or ignorantly made up stuff.  Jeff Shaara does both in Rise to Rebellion, his account of the beginning of the American Revolution.  For instance, he has Major John Pitcairn (whom he identifies as Thomas Pitcairn) witnessing the skirmish at Concord’s North Bridge.

Pitcairn never left the center of town!  Most of the characters in my novel, Crossing the River, were actual people.  I personalized all of them based on what historians know about their thoughts and beliefs and how they conducted themselves.  Minor characters that historians know little about I fictionalized, changing their surnames to respect their actual beings.  All of this required plotting.  The known sequence of events that occurred April 19, 1775, determined the sequence of events of my novel.

Writing my second novel, Alsoomse and Wanchese, was an entirely different experience.  Historians know very little about actual Algonquians during the 1580s because their limited sources — reports provided Walter Raleigh by Englishmen engaged in exploration and colonization — focused almost entirely on English endeavors.  Almost no effort was made to record what individual Algonquians thought or, in detail, did.

Two Algonquians, Manteo and Wanchese, were taken back to England in 1584 to learn to speak English.  From these two natives, Raleigh and his people learned a little bit about North Carolina coastal Algonquian history.  The information is sketchy, therefore difficult to interpret.  Historians offer conflicting suppositions.

Who attacked whom resulting in a major Roanoke defeat seven or ten years before the arrival of the first Englishmen at Roanoke Island?  Whom and where had the Roanoke chief Wingina been fighting in 1584 when he was wounded?  My novel begins in the fall of 1583.  Before I started writing my first chapter, I had established the identity and strengths and weaknesses of most of my characters – nearly all of them fictitious.   I knew how I wanted to particularize the major Roanoke tribal defeat but not Wingina’s wounding.

I knew I had to create events to fill the time gaps between these two important events and the 1584 arrival of the English.  My characters, seeking to resolve their individual and tribal conflicts, did that.  One fictitious event created impetus for the next.  Worthy of note, I had not decided Alsoomse’s fate until several chapters before I finished the novel’s first draft.              
 
 
 What’s your definition of the first draft?

 
Alsoomse and Wanchese has forty chapters.  I wrote them in identical stages: write five chapters, stop, review, eliminate glaring blemishes, write another five chapters. Two years after I had started, I saw before me what I considered to be my first draft.  A year and a half later, 18 read throughs of all of the chapters completed, I submit the manuscript to my publisher.
 

 What are some of the myths around self-publishing / traditional publishing?


The biggest myth that I am cognizant of is that indie writers are hacks.  Their works are of poor quality.  Proof?  Mainstream publishers won’t look at their manuscripts.  Agents know this and behave accordingly.  Bookstores like Barnes and Noble will not purchase books from indie publishers for fear that the books will not sell.

Such stores might be willing to take three or four books directly from the author providing that the author agrees to take them back if they don’t sell. The reading public reads mainstream published books more than indie books.   I myself have appreciated mainstream published books more.

However, I have read several excellent indie novels, Ethan’s Peach Tree by Stan Jensen and A Circle of Earth by Patricia Weil — to name two.  Literary agents’ rejection slips do not define necessarily the quality of an unrecognized writer’s work.

Another myth is that mainstream publishers do the grunt work of publicizing your work.  Sit back, relax, accept the fruits of your considerable labor.  Afterward, when the time seems right, think about starting your next novel.

From what I have read, you are still on your own, doing presentations at distant libraries where nobody shows up; setting up a website to collect followers that might, after a passage of time, take a chance on your book and fork over twenty bucks; finding website owners that are willing to interview you; accepting invitations made by individuals on the internet who say they want to review your book.
 

 Looking back, what advice would you give yourself at the beginning of your journey?
 

Lower considerably your expectations.

In your community only people who know you will purchase your novel.  I advertised in the newspaper of a town 30 miles north of where I live that I would be doing a talk/book signing at the local library. Nobody showed up.

Most people do not leisure-read.  Most who like to read are not historical fiction enthusiasts.  Those who do read historical fiction gravitate to stories about the Roman Empire or Tudor England.  If a reader selects a novel about a time period in American history, most often it is the American Civil War or World War II.

Expect little monetary reward for your product.  Each of my paperback novels costs readers approximately twenty dollars.  (My publisher determines the price, not me)  If a reader purchases one of them on-line from Amazon, after my publisher, the printer, Ingram, and Amazon take their cuts, I net approximately three dollars.   If I buy books from my publisher (at a reduced price) to sell to people here in town, I (not my publisher) must pay the shipping cost.  The post office makes as much money as I do — about four dollars per book.

A book store on Roanoke Island will sell my Alsoomse and Wanchese novel provided that I ship several copies to it (at my expense) and that I agree that the store gets to pocket 40% of the price it charges purchasers.  Adding the cost of paying the post office shipping costs twice (buying the copies from my publisher and sending them to the Roanoke store) to what the publisher and printer would take, I would lose six dollars on each transaction.

The store would have to sell the book for thirty-two (not twenty) dollars for me to break even.  Any book that they could not sell would be shipped back to me at my expense.  I suspect that this is standard practice with independent stores.  Chain stores do not stock indie novels.

Had I known all of the above beforehand, I am not certain that I would have gone forward.  Which would have proved to have had greater import?  Financial practicality or the desire to communicate what I have learned about human beings, educate, and create?      
 

 How do you imagine your target reader?

 
He/She would be somebody who thoroughly enjoys historical fiction, who is curious about modes of living and cultural practices and beliefs different from our own, who is eager to draw parallels as well as recognize differences, who has a thirst for knowledge, who is empathetic toward characters that need/deserve support, who advocates social justice, who detects in the novel universal themes, who appreciates depth of content, who does not believe that romance or non-stop action are essential elements of a rewarding book.    
 
 
 Is there anything you learned from reader reviews?
 

One lesson I learned is not to exchange books with another indie writer to give and receive reviews.  Knowing that the author of the book that I was reviewing would be judging my own work, I had difficulty being entirely truthful.  One writer’s book had its merits and what I considered several shortcomings.

Believing it deserved a 3.5, I rated it a 4.  Even though her remarks were complimentary, the writer rated Crossing the River a 3.  Another writer gave me two of her books to review.  This person’s narrative ability was definitely lacking.  I provided several examples of this, striving to be honest, gave one of the books a generous 3-star rating  and the other an undeserved 4-star rating.  The writer gave Crossing the River a 4-star rating before my ratings of her books appeared on goodreads.com.  A week or so later, she changed her rating of my novel to a 3.

Lesson Two.

Wanting to find somebody on the internet willing to review Alsoomse and Wanchese, I accepted an invitation from a person who was pushing her website and who purported to be an devotee of historical fiction.  A month or so later, she posted on goodreads.com this one-sentence review:

“While it was refreshing to see a novel with Native American protagonists, I found that the plot moved too slowly to hold my interest.”

She rated the novel 2 stars.

Later, on her website, she posted what appeared to be a full, fair review.  Only I could detect that she had not read past the first three or four chapters of the forty-chapter novel.  Hours and hours saved, on to the next book had apparently been her decision.  If you are going to base your review and rating on three or four chapters, at least admit it.  Either that or don’t do the review.

Four people in the last two months have offered via email to review Alsoomse and Wanchese.  I asked each of them why they chose my book.  None of them messaged back.   I stay away now from volume reviewers.
  
 
 Just how much research is there behind a novel? Tell us how it looks behind the scenes.
 

Computer file after computer file of cut-and-pasted information about North Carolina coastal plain trees, birds, fish, native settlements, Algonquian culture, agricultural practices, weapons and warfare, religious beliefs, societal structure, the structure of longhouses, gender responsibilities, trade, the making of bows and arrows and of pottery, the curing of wounds, the parts of an English bark, English clothing and weaponry.  (What have I left out?)

Add information about the reign of Queen Elizabeth as it pertains especially to attempts at colonization in North America.  Everything I could find about Algonquian leaders mentioned in reports written by Englishmen.  Different interpretations by historians about what actually happened before and after the English arrived and settled on Roanoke Island.

As I wrote I discovered that the story took certain directions that required me to research something vital to the story-telling.  For instance, I decided that a confrontation between Roanoke natives and a war-like neighboring tribe needed to take place.  Over hunting rights.

So where would this confrontation take place?  Somewhere along the shoreline of Pamlico Sound nearly halfway between the opposing villages.  Most of the terrain along the coastline is very swampy, not conducive to game seeking fresh water.  I found an article on the internet about a former lake near the coastline that had eroded into its present state, Stumpy Point Bay.  Centuries ago a peat fire had erupted and burned there for several months.  Afterward, underground water, filling the exposed cavity, had created the lake.  It was still a lake in 1583.  I had what I wanted!

When you write a passage about a character making his way through thick vegetation on his way to attack a hostile village, research enables you to visualize what he encounters.  From Alsoomse and Wanchese:

They had now gotten through the switchcane. They were entering a dense pocosin thicket. Wanchese indentified leafy wax myrtle; by its little white upside-down clustered flowers zenobia; by its long, white, dangling fingers titi; its black fruit not yet formed large galberry, twice as high as any man present.

Worst of all were bamboo vines, climbing over everything, large thorns sticking out of old growth. “Tear away only the new growth,” Cumay warned. “Be careful where you put your legs and feet. Try not to step on rattlesnakes.”



The thicket ended. Scattered pond pine, loblolly bay, and loblolly pine indicated the change, even though wax myrtle and inkberry were present. Happily, the bamboo vines were gone. “We are getting close,” Cumay, stopping, whispered. “Past that grove of pine is an old cornfield. We can hide behind the myrtle until you decide when to strike.”



Sunday, July 28, 2019

Civil Rights Events
J. Edgar Hoover
 
J. Edgar Hoover lived in Washington, D.C. all his life. In 1895 he was born in a white, Protestant, middle-class neighborhood known as Seward Square, three blocks behind the Capitol. His family had been civil servants for generations, including his father, Dickerson Naylor Hoover, who worked for the Coast Guard (Biography 1).
 
The eight decades of Hoover's life tell their own story. As early as his teen years, his mind was closing on issues that were to dominate his era. In the school debating society, he argued against women getting the vote and against abolition of the death penalty. He could never bear to come second in anything. When his father began to suffer from mental illness, a niece told me, Hoover "couldn't tolerate the fact. He never could tolerate anything that was imperfect." Another relative said: "I sometimes have thought that he really had a fear of becoming too personally involved with people." William Sullivan, a close FBI associate, thought his boss "didn't have affection for one single solitary human being".
 
Hoover joined the Bureau – at that time just the Bureau of Investigation (the word "Federal" was only added in the 1930s) – as America's first great Communist scare was getting under way, and handpicked as his assistant a man named George Ruch. … Ruch expressed astonishment that left-wingers should even "be allowed to speak and write as they like". Hoover and Ruch favoured deporting people merely for being members of radical organisations, and used the Bureau to spy on lawyers representing those arrested in the infamous Red Raids of 1920. One of them, on whom he was to keep tabs for half a century and deem "the most dangerous man in the United States", was future Supreme Court justice Felix Frankfurter (Summers 2).
 
In 1924 President Calvin Coolidge appointed him head of the Bureau of Investigation, a position Hoover had long coveted. It was in this position that he finally received the power he craved. Hoover inherited the Bureau just after it had been severely tainted with scandal from previous administrations. Upon acceptance, Hoover demanded it be completely divorced from politics and responsible only to the Attorney General. Hoover's conditions were met and he set out on a rejuvenation campaign which would build the Bureau into one of the most powerful government agencies in 20th century America.
 
… To make his agency respectable, Hoover assembled an elite group of men, white and college-educated, who would represent the Bureau as agents. He demanded conformity and a strict moral code from all of them, demanding them to abstain from alcohol and relations with women. He instituted a training school and effectively made his organization into the symbolic guardian of the country's laws, citizens, and its morals (Biography 2-3).
 
The favourable publicity Hoover enjoyed was partially deserved. He cleaned up a Bureau that had been notorious for corruption and inefficiency, replacing it with an agent corps that became a byword for integrity. 
 
Hoover brought modernity and co-ordination at a time of disorganisation. He built the first federal fingerprint bank, and his Identification Division would eventually offer instant access to the prints of 159 million people. His Crime Laboratory became the most advanced in the world. He created the FBI National Academy, a sort of West Point for the future elite of law enforcement (Summers 3).
 
In 1936 [President Franklin] Roosevelt instructed Hoover to keep him informed on fascist and Communist activities in the U.S. Hoover took the opportunity to increase his domestic surveillance efforts and to maintain a "Custodial Detention List" which included names of "questionable" individuals for possible accusations during wartime. This list included Eleanor Roosevelt, whom he personally despised for her liberal leanings, and later, Martin Luther King, Jr. and John F. Kennedy. Lyndon B. Johnson, a personal friend to Hoover, postponed the F.B.I. director's retirement indefinitely. Hoover remained with the Bureau until his death at the age of 77 in 1972 (Biography 4).
 
Hoover never joined a political party and claimed he was "not political". In fact, he admitted privately, he was a staunch, lifelong supporter of the Republican party. He secretly aspired to be president and considered running against Franklin D Roosevelt, whom he thought suspiciously left-wing. Hoover publicly expressed support for Senator Joe McCarthy shortly before McCarthy claimed Truman's State Department was harbouring 200 members of the Communist party. His agents slipped file material to the senator for use in his infamous inquisition, while publicly denying doing so.
 
 
… Hoover's Division 8, euphemistically entitled Crime Records and Communications, had a priority mission. Crime Records pumped out propaganda that fostered not only the image of the FBI as an organisation that spoke for what was right and just, but of the Director himself as a champion of justice fighting "moral deterioration" and "anarchist elements". Hoover used the department to preach the notion that the political left was responsible for all manner of perceived evils, from changing sexual standards to delinquency (Ackerman 2).
 
Hoover had gone easy on the mob. It is now clear that Hoover had contacts with organised criminals or their associates in circumstances that made it possible – likely even – that they learned of his sexual proclivities. More than one top mobster claimed the outfit had a hold on Hoover. Meyer Lansky, the syndicate's co-founder, was said to have "pictures of Hoover in some kind of gay situation" and an associate quoted Lansky as claiming, "I fixed that sonofabitch." Carmine Lombardozzi, who was known as "the Italian Meyer Lansky", said: "J Edgar Hoover was in our pocket" (Summers 8).
 
By 1960, the FBI had opened “subversive” files on some 432,000 Americans. Hoover deemed the most sensitive files as “personal and confidential” and kept them in his office, where his secretary, Helen Gandy, could watch them (Ackerman 2).
 
Hoover's public position on race, Southerner that he was, was that of the paternalistic white nativist. Less openly, he was racially prejudiced. He shrugged off the miseries of black Americans, preferring to claim they were outside his jurisdiction. "I'm not going to send the FBI in," a Justice Department official recalled him saying testily, "every time some nigger woman says she's been raped." FBI agents paid more attention to investigating black militants than pursuing the Ku Klux Klan.
 
...
 
A rumor has persisted that Hoover himself had black ancestry. Early photographs do show him looking somewhat negroid, with noticeably wiry hair. Gossip along those lines was rife in Washington and – true or not – Hoover must have been aware of it. Did anxiety on that front shape the way he behaved towards blacks – just as he lashed out at homosexuals while struggling with his own [presumed] homosexuality (Summers 4-7)?
 
The unfolding story of the civil rights protest movement and the leadership role of Martin Luther King, Jr., is a most ignoble chapter in the history of FBI spying and manipulation. As the civil rights movement grew and expanded, the FBI pinpointed every group and emergent leader for intensive investigation and most for harassment and disruption …. The NAACP was the subject of a COMINFIL investigation. The Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) and the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) were listed by the FBI as "Black-Hate" type organizations and selected for covert disruption of their political activities. But the most vicious FBI attack was reserved for King and the Southern Christian Leadership Conference. All of the arbitrary power and lawless tactics that had accumulated in the bureau over the years were marshaled to destroy King's reputation and the movement he led. The FBI relied on its vague authority to investigate "subversives" to spy on King and SCLC; its vague authority to conduct warrantless wiretapping and microphonic surveillance to tap and bug him; its secrecy to conduct covert operations against him. The campaign began with his rise to leadership and grew more vicious as he reached the height of his power; it continued even after his assassination in 1968.  (Halperin 63).
 
In a memoranda sent to Hoover, King's “I Have a Dream” speech [culminating the March on Washington] was characterized as "demagogic," and the presence of "200" Communists among the 250,000 marchers caused the Intelligence Division to state that it had underestimated Communist efforts and influence on American Negroes and the civil rights movement. King was singled out:
 
“He stands head and shoulders over all other Negro leaders put together when it comes to influencing great masses of Negroes. We must mark him now . . . as the most dangerous Negro of the future in this Nation from the standpoint of Communism, the Negro, and national security” (Halperin 77).
 
On October 10 and 21, Attorney General Robert Kennedy gave the FBI the authority to wiretap King.   "Hoover had come to Bobby Kennedy and President Kennedy and said, 'Look, Stanley Levinson — King's adviser — is a communist. He's a secret communist, he's an underground communist, and he's using Martin Luther King as a cat's paw.' Well, when you put it that way, you weren't gainsaying Hoover if you were John or Bobby Kennedy. So they said yes" (History 4).
 
On October 18, 1963, the FBI distributed a … memorandum on King, not only to the Justice Department, but to officials at the White House, the Central Intelligence Agency, the State Department, the Defense Department, and Defense Department intelligence agencies. It summarized the bureau's Communist party charges against King and went much further. According to - Assistant Attorney General Burke Marshall, it was a personal diatribe . . . a personal attack without evidentiary support on the character, the moral character and person of Dr. Martin Luther King, and it was only peripherally related to anything substantive, like whether or not there was Communist infiltration or influence on the civil rights movement.... It was a personal attack on the man and went far afield from the charges [of possible Communist influence].
 
The attorney general was outraged and demanded that Hoover seek the return of the report. By October 28, all copies were returned. This was the first-and last-official action to deter Hoover's vendetta against King.
 
In November, John Kennedy was assassinated in Dallas, Texas. Lyndon Johnson became president and the Justice Department was in a state of confusion with the attorney general [Robert Kennedy] preoccupied with his personal grief. King viewed the assassination as a tragedy, and hoped it would spawn a new public concern for peace and reconciliation.
 
While the nation mourned, the FBI held a conference at the beginning of December to plan its campaign to destroy King and the civil rights movement. At that all-day meeting FBI officials put forward proposals …. Officials of the nation's number-one law enforcement agency agreed to use "all available investigative techniques" to develop information for use "to discredit" King. Proposals discussed included using ministers, "disgruntled" acquaintances, "aggressive" newsmen, "colored" agents, Dr. King's housekeeper, and even Dr. King's wife or "placing a good looking female plant in King's office" to develop discrediting information and to take action that would lead to his disgrace.
 
… By January, the FBI had initiated physical and photographic surveillance of King, deploying its most experienced personnel to gather information, and had placed the first of many illegal bugs in Dr. King's room at the Willard Hotel in Washington, D.C.
 
According to Justice Department regulations at the time, microphonic surveillance, although it necessitated a physical trespass and was more intrusive than a phone tap, did not require the approval of the attorney general. Even under its own regulations, however, the FBI could only use this technique to gather "important intelligence or evidence relating to matters connected with national security." In this case the FBI planned to use "bugs" to learn about "the [private] activities of Dr. King and his associates" so that King could be "completely discredited." It was clearly illegal.
 
The Willard Hotel "bug" yielded "19 reels" of tape. The FBI, at least in its own opinion, had struck pay dirt. The bug apparently picked up information about King's private extramarital and perhaps "inter-racial" sexual activities. This opened up the possibility of discrediting King as a Communist who engaged in "moral improprieties."
 
For J. Edgar Hoover, "immoral" behavior was a crime comparable to "subversive" activity-and of equal utility. Hoover gathered such information on prominent persons to use for political and blackmail purposes. Often he would share such "official and confidential" information with presidents when his surveillance uncovered "obscene matters" on the president's opponents or aides. Sometimes he would let people know he had such information on them, and that list includes Presidents John Kennedy and Richard Nixon. In this case, however, Hoover did not plan to let King know he had the information to gain a "political" power advantage over him; he planned to use it to destroy him politically. With the Willard Hotel tapes, the FBI campaign moved into high gear.
 
With Kennedy and Lyndon Johnson pressing action on civil rights legislation and calling for a "War on Poverty," Martin Luther King was a man the country and the world thought worthy of honor. In December 1963, Time magazine named him "Man of the Year." … Hoover wrote across a memorandum, "They had to dig deep in the garbage to come up with this one."   
 
In 1964, while continuing his "nonviolent" activities on behalf of civil rights in St. Augustine, Florida, and other cities, King was awarded honorary degrees by universities; he was invited by Willy Brandt, the mayor of West Berlin, to speak at a ceremony honoring the memory of President Kennedy; he had an audience with Pope Paul VI in Rome; and, in October, he was named by the Nobel Prize Committee to receive the Peace Prize in December (Halperin 77-80).
 
Dr. King was well aware early in 1964 of Hoover’s antipathy.  Based on unsubstantiated FBI allegations, in April of 1964 conservative columnist Joseph Alsop alleges that an unnamed associate of Dr. King is a Communist. News reports quickly follow, detailing supposedly secret testimony to Congress by FBI Director Hoover charging "Communist influence" over the Civil Rights Movement."

Dr, King answered back.  As a general rule, Dr. King prefers not to respond to false charges and personal slanders against himself. But when the Freedom Movement as a whole is smeared he stands to its defense. On April 23 he tells a press conference: "[It is] difficult to accept the word of the FBI on communistic infiltration of the Civil Rights Movement when it has been so completely ineffectual in protecting the Negro from brutality in the Deep South" (Hoover 1-2).

Though he considers himself entitled to defame and vilify anyone he chooses, the slightest criticism of himself or the FBI sends Hoover into a towering rage. King's retort is no exception, and Hoover's already virulent hatred intensifies. FBI agents are ordered to expand their surveillance and redouble their efforts to find damaging personal information that can be used to destroy King's reputation (Halperin 80).

In October, the world learns that Dr. King has been awarded the Nobel Peace Prize. Hoover's obsessive malice can no longer be restrained, it finally erupts into public view on November 18 when he tells a group of journalists that in reference to King's criticism of FBI effectiveness, "I consider King to be the most notorious liar in the country. He goes on to charge that King is, "one of the lowest characters" in America, and "controlled" by Communist advisors.
 
King responds that he is "appalled and surprised" by Hoover's attack. He offers to meet with the FBI Director to discuss the Bureau's "seeming inability to gain convictions in even the most heinous crimes perpetrated against civil rights workers." He cites as examples the brutality in Albany, the four little girls killed in Birmingham, and the lynching of Chaney, Schwerner, and Goodman.

Hoover intensifies his vendetta against King. Behind the scenes, FBI officials escalate their smear campaign by leaking more derogatory stories to the media. Meanwhile, FBI field agents meet with religious organizations, universities, and government officials to "confidentially" brief them that Dr. King is "associating with Communists" and having extramarital affairs in hotel rooms while on the road for speaking engagements and meetings.

From their illegal hotel bugs they assemble a composite audio sex-tape. They package the tape with a phony letter supposedly from an unidentified Afro-American man. The letter threatens King with public exposure unless he commits suicide before accepting the Nobel Prize. To conceal its FBI origins, they mail it from Miami on November 21. When the package arrives at the SCLC office in Atlanta, staff members are busy preparing for Dr. King's trip to Europe for the Nobel Prize. They assume it's just another recording of a King speech, so without reading the letter they toss the package into a pile of low-priority correspondence to be dealt with when someone has time. Dr. King doesn't actually hear the tape or read the letter until weeks after returning from Oslo (Hoover 3-6).

In part, the letter said: King, there is only one thing left for you to do. You know what it is. You have just 34 days in which to do [This exact number has been selected for a specific reason; it has definite practical significance]. You are done. There is but one way out for you. You better take it before your filthy fraudulent self is bared to the nation.

It was thirty-four days before the Nobel Peace Prize ceremonies (Halperin 86).

Publicly, Hoover presses his attack. In a Chicago speech on November 24, he characterizes the Civil Rights Movement as: "pressure groups that would crush the rights of others under heel." And, "They have no compunction in carping, lying, and exaggerating with the fiercest passion, spearheaded at times by Communists and moral degenerates."

Dr. King fears that the public controversy with Hoover risks diverting the Freedom Movement from the critical work ahead. It distracts media attention from the real issues, and with first the Nobel Prize and then the Selma campaign on the horizon he is unwilling to expend precious time and energy responding to FBI slanders. As a conciliatory gesture, he arranges through intermediaries to meet face-to- face with the FBI Director on December 1st. King allows Hoover to dominate the meeting with a long rant justifying and defending the Bureau. Afterwards, King further defuses the situation by telling the press that the meeting was friendly and amicable and that, "I sincerely hope we can forget the confusions of the past and get on with the job."

Dr. King's effort partially succeeds. Hoover and the FBI cease their public attacks, but covert efforts to destroy King and thwart the Freedom Movement continue (Hoover 3-7).

 … two noted specialists in psychiatry and psychology said they believed Hoover's sexual torment was very pertinent to his use and abuse of power as America's top law-enforcement officer.
 
Dr John Money, professor of medical psychology at Johns Hopkins University, thought Hoover "needed constantly to destroy other people in order to maintain himself. He managed to live with his conflict by making others pay the price." Dr Harold Lief, professor emeritus of psychiatry at the University of Pennsylvania, concluded that Hoover suffered from "a personality disorder, a narcissistic disorder with mixed obsessive features… paranoid elements, undue suspiciousness and some sadism. A combination of narcissism and paranoia produces what is known as an authoritarian personality. Hoover would have made a perfect high-level Nazi" (Summers 5-6).
 
Hoover stands as a reminder that 48 years of power concentrated in one person is a recipe for abuse. It was mostly after his death [1972] that Hoover’s dark side became common knowledge — the covert black-bag jobs, the warrantless surveillance of civil rights leaders and Vietnam-era peace activists, the use of secret files to bully government officials, the snooping on movie stars and senators, and the rest (Ackerman 4).
 
 
Works cited:
 
Ackerman, Kenneth D.  “Five myths about J. Edgar Hoover.”  The Washington Post.  November 9, 2011.  Web.  https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/five-myths-about-j-edgar-hoover/2011/11/07/gIQASLlo5M_story.html?noredirect=on&utm_term=.80c5147725d5
 
“Biography: J. Edgar Hoover.”  American Experience.  Web.  https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/americanexperience/features/eleanor-hoover/
 
Halperin, Morton; Berman, Jerry; Borosage, Robert; and Marwick, Christine.  “The Lawless State: The Crimes of the U. S. Intelligence Agencies.”  Penguin Books, 1976.  Web.  http://www.thirdworldtraveler.com/NSA/Vendetta_MLK_LS.html
 
“The History Of The FBI's Secret 'Enemies' List.”  NPR Fresh Air.  February 14, 2012.  Web.  https://www.npr.org/2012/02/14/146862081/the-history-of-the-fbis-secret-enemies-list
 
Hoover Attempts to Destroy Dr. King (Nov-Dec).”  Civil Rights Movement History
1964 July-Dec. 
Web.  https://www.crmvet.org/tim/tim64c.htm#1964fbi
 
Summers, Anthony.  “The Secret life of J Edgar Hoover.”  The Guardian.  December 31, 2011.  Web.  https://www.theguardian.com/film/2012/jan/01/j-edgar-hoover-secret-fbi
 
“Biography: J. Edgar Hoover.”  American Experience.  Web.  https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/americanexperience/features/eleanor-hoover/


Monday, July 22, 2019

Civil Rights Events
Mississippi -- Freedom Summer
Challenging the Democratic Party
 
A major roadblock to gaining voting rights in Mississippi and indeed, across the South, were the state Democratic Parties. “Dixiecrats” as southern Democrats were known, dominated state governments. A web of law, intimidation, official and unofficial force, and violence terrorizing Blacks seeking voting rights, kept Black people from voting. For all practical purposes, in Mississippi and across the South, the Democratic Party was “whites only.”
 
COFO’s voter registration projects helped to expose Black disenfranchisement, yet the organization’s efforts were ineffective in generating new Black voters in politically meaningful numbers. Much the same was true in other areas of the South where efforts aimed at expanding Black voter registration and political participation were unfolding. So, in Mississippi, COFO began discussing the ways and means of challenging the legitimacy of the state’s Democratic Party at the national level. As a first step, COFO workers organized a “freedom registration” and “freedom vote” in the fall of 1963. This was to prove that Blacks would register and vote if they could do so at unintimidating polling places; that apathy was not the problem, but violence, reprisal, and fear was.
 
In April 1964, the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party (MFDP) was founded. Open to all without regard to race, it was a parallel political party designed to simultaneously encourage Black political participation while challenging the validity of Mississippi’s lily-white Democratic Party.
 
The MFDP decided to challenge the seating of the so-called “regular” state party at the national party’s convention being planned for August in Atlantic City, New Jersey. With the help of hundreds of young volunteers who came to Mississippi in the Freedom Summer of 1964, the MFDP slowly built up its membership and organized parallel precinct, county, and regional meetings. This culminated in a state convention to select delegates for the Atlantic City convention. The 68-person MFDP delegation included a wide variety of homegrown activists known for their determination and militancy in the face of harsh racial oppression. They included E.W. Steptoe, Fannie Lou Hamer, Victoria Gray, Annie Devine, Hartman Turnbow and Hazel Palmer, among others. Using ideas developed during the local, county, and regional meetings, the MFDP crafted a political platform (Mississippi MFDP 1-2)
 
Delegates elected at MFDP’s state convention in Jackson on 6 August 1964 appealed to the credentials committee of the Democratic National Convention (DNC) of 1964 [in Atlantic City] to recognize their party’s delegation in place of the all-white Democratic Party delegation from Mississippi.
 
the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, Congress of Racial Equality, Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC), and SNCC conducted public and private diplomacy on the MFDP’s behalf. In a nationally televised speech before the DNC credentials committee, MFDP delegate Fannie Lou Hamer spoke passionately about the violence and intimidation suffered by Mississippi blacks seeking to register to vote, concluding, “If the Freedom Democratic Party is not seated now, I question America.” (Mississippi Stanford 2).
 
“Is this America, the land of the free and home of the brave, where we have to sleep with our telephones off the hooks because our lives be threatened daily, because we want to live as decent human beings, in America” (Mississippi MFDP 2).
 
Although President Lyndon Johnson gave an emergency presidential press conference to prevent her testimony from going live over the three television networks, her speech was later aired across the country (Bond 2).
 
King echoed Hamer’s sentiment, telling the committee, “Any party in the world should be proud to have a delegation such as this seated in their midst. For it is in these saints in ordinary walks of life that the true spirit of democracy finds its most profound and abiding expression (Mississippi Stanford 3).
 
The MFDP enjoyed wide support from many liberal Northern delegates, and from members of the Credentials Committee at the Convention who proposed that both delegations be seated (Schein 1).  
 
President Johnson and other Democratic Party leaders, although largely sympathetic to the MFDP’s civil rights stance, were dismayed by the negative publicity the group was causing at a time when Johnson wanted media attention focused on his presidential election campaign.  … national party leaders including vice presidential hopeful Hubert Humphrey sought to deal with MFDP representatives behind closed doors (Mississippi Britannica 2).  Johnson, seeking a peaceful, non-controversial convention and fearful of a Dixiecrat walkout, battered MFDP supporters. Threats were made against supporters in line for federal appointments, and United Automobile Workers leader, Walter Reuther, threatened to withhold money from Martin Luther King’s SCLC.
 
Finally, a compromise was announced by then-Minneapolis Attorney General Walter Mondale: two [at-large] seats for the MFDP, “guest” status to the remaining MFDP delegates, and full seating of the so-called regulars. No discussion had been held with the MFDP about this “compromise” (Mississippi MFDP 3).  The … all-white delegation …would formally promise to support the DNC’s candidates in the upcoming elections (rather than campaign for Republican Barry Goldwater), and segregated delegations would be barred from the 1968 convention.
 
Although King had told Johnson that he would “do everything in my power to urge [the MFDP] being seated as the only democratically constituted delegation from Mississippi,” he supported the compromise (King, 19 August 1964). MFDP delegates and many civil rights activists, however, were disheartened by the Credentials Committee’s refusal to seat MFDP delegates. Hamer’s response was, “We didn’t come all this way for no two seats” (Mississippi Stanford 4).
 
Born on October 6, 1917 in Montgomery County, Mississippi, to a family of sharecroppers, [Fannie Lou Hamer] …was the youngest of Lou Ella and Jim Townsend’s twenty children.  Her family moved to Sunflower County, Mississippi in 1919 to work on the E. W. Brandon plantation.
 
Hamer’s activism began in the 1950s when she attended several annual conferences of the Regional Council of Negro Leadership organized by Dr. T.R.M. Howard, a wealthy businessman and civil rights leader in the all-black town of Mound Bayou, Mississippi.  There, Hamer encountered prominent civil rights leaders such as Thurgood Marshall of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) and Michigan Congressman Charles Diggs.
 
Several pivotal moments in Hamer’s life became public reminders that America’s vision of democracy was incongruent with its horrifying reality. In 1961 she was sterilized without her knowledge or consent by a white doctor as part of the state of Mississippi’s plan to reduce the number of impoverished blacks in the state.  On August 23, 1962, after hearing a sermon by Rev. James Bevel, she volunteered to become an organizer for the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) to help black Mississippians register to vote.  While she was traveling by bus on June 3, 1963, state law enforcement officers in Winona, Mississippi, took Hamer and fellow activists to Montgomery County Jail where they were beaten mercilessly. She testified that she was beaten until her “body was hard.” She suffered a blood clot, sustained damage to her kidney, and required a month to recover from the assault.  Hamer was not intimidated and after her recovery returned to the effort to register and organize black voters (Bond 1-2).
 
The MFDP delegates rejected the compromise.
 
Late in August, the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party delegates to the Democratic Convention in Atlantic City and the SNCC and CORE organizers return to Mississippi. Many are angry at the Democratic Party leadership's refusal to recognize them as legitimate delegates representing Mississippi and furious at the devious political manipulations used to prevent them from bringing their case to a vote on the convention floor. To them, the actions of Johnson, Humphrey, Mondale and others are a betrayal of public pledges and private promises made over the past years of bitter struggle. Yet they are determined to carry on. They are proud of what they have achieved — and proud of holding together in the face of adversity.
 
 
The immediate question is whether or not to support Johnson in November. Some activists argue that the MFDP should have nothing more to do with the Democrats. Instead, they want the MFDP to become an independent, Black-oriented political party. But with the "regular" (white) Mississippi Democrat Party apparatus now actively supporting the Republican candidate Goldwater, many in the MFDP hope that by campaigning for Johnson they can supplant the segregationists and eventually win recognition from the national party, or at least reap some political rewards after LBJ's inevitable victory. Their view prevails, and the MFDP urges voters to support the Democratic candidate.
 
  the MFDP adopts a bold plan to push forward the Movement in Mississippi. They will challenge the legitimacy of the 1964 election in the U.S. House of Representatives. The legal arguments and tactics are complex, but the essence is clear and simple — since almost half of the state's population are denied the right to vote, and those few Blacks who do manage to register are prevented from freely participating in the electoral process, the election is clearly fraudulent. Therefore, the House will be asked to set aside the results, refuse to seat the state's white Congressmen, and instead call for new and fair elections in which every citizen can vote regardless of race. Legally, the House has the power to refuse to seat, or to unseat, any member for any reason it chooses — the question is whether it has the political will to do so in defense of Black voting rights.
 
 
The proponents, of course, know that the chances of actually unseating the white Congressmen are slim to none. But they argue that the effort provides a way of continuing the momentum from Freedom Summer and the Atlantic City challenge, pushing forward local organizing, building the MFDP on the ground, and dramatizing the denial of voting rights and fraudulent elections before the nation. And they believe that if they can build a strong enough case to gain at least some support in Congress this time around, they raise the spectre of future challenges to white-dominated elections across the South.
 
 Under the rules, only a defeated candidate can challenge an election in the House, so Fannie Lou Hamer, Annie Devine, and Victoria Gray run for Congress in three of the state's five Congressional districts. Back in June, MFDP candidates had run in the Mississippi Democratic Primary election, but with few Blacks able to vote they were easily defeated. They then tried to get on the November ballot as Independents, but the state Board of Elections blocked them. So since they are not on the official ballot, they run on a "Freedom Ballot" as was done in 1963. This means that supporters are asked to cast unofficial Freedom Ballots in churches and community centers. 
 
 Since few Mississippi Blacks are registered and whites are overwhelmingly for Goldwater, on election day November 3rd the MFDP's effort to support Johnson has no effect on the election outcome. For the first time since Reconstruction, Mississippi goes Republican — by a margin of 87% to 12%. And as expected, LBJ also looses the other Deep South states of Louisiana, Alabama, Georgia, and South Carolina — the states that along with Mississippi have been most ruthless in denying Blacks the right to vote. Also as expected, he wins a nationwide landslide victory over Goldwater. The Democrats gain two seats in the Senate, giving them a two-thirds majority, and 36 seats in the House, providing a huge 295 to 140 majority over the Republicans.
 
At a White House meeting after the election, Dr. King presses LBJ on the urgent need for federal legislation to protect black voting rights in the South (the kind of legislation that was stripped out of the 1964 Civil Rights Act). The President tells him, "I can't get a voting rights bill through [the coming] session of Congress." Moreover, to enact his "Great Society" and "War on Poverty" programs, LBJ tells King he will need the support of southern Senators. Support he would lose if he tried to pass voting rights legislation. He assures Dr. King that eventually he will address voting rights — but not in 1965.
 
Johnson's promise of someday satisfies neither Dr. King nor the Freedom Movement as a whole.
 
On December 4th, 1964, the MFDP files official notice with the House of Representatives that they are challenging the election in the three Mississippi Congressional districts where Hamer, Gray, and Devine ran on the Freedom Ballot. Under the rules, the challenged candidates have 30 days to respond, bringing the matter to January 4th, 1965, the opening day of the 89th Congress.
 
 
Congressman William Ryan (D-NY) agrees to move a "fairness resolution" in addition to the Challenge that would block the seating of all five of the white men "elected" to the House from Mississippi. A dozen other members, including John Conyers (D-MI), Edith Green (D-OR), Patsy Mink (D-HI), and the eldest son of FDR, James Roosevelt (D-CA), pledge to support him. The White House and Democratic Party leadership bear down hard to isolate these upstart trouble-makers.
 
 
The 89th Congress convenes for the first time on January 4th, 1965. Hundreds of MFDP supporters journey by bus from Mississippi to support the Challenge and lobby for the Ryan's resolution. It is illegal to carry signs or conduct a protest inside Capitol buildings, so they line the underground tunnels that Representatives use to reach the House chamber.
 
On opening day, as congressmen and their aides made their way through these tunnels, they turned a corner and found themselves passing between two lines of silent, working black men and women from Mississippi. The people, spaced about ten feet apart, stood still as statues, dignified, erect, utterly silent. ... The congressmen had come by in little groups, each group, a congressman and one or two aides, deep in conversation. They'd turn the corner, and for a moment the sight of our people would stop them dead in their tracks. We didn't move or say a mumbling word. Then the group would walk between the two rows, but now suddenly very silent. It's hard to describe the power of that moment. I looked into the legislators' faces as they passed. Most could not take their eyes off those careworn, tired black faces. Some offered a timid greeting, a smile, or tentative wave. Others flushed and looked down. All seemed startled. Some clearly nervous, even afraid. All seemed deeply affected in some way. Our people just stood there and looked at them. For these lawmakers using the tunnels that morning, that impassive, profoundly physical presence was an unexpected confrontation with reality. That grave, mute presence became the most effective and eloquent of testimonies. To those passing congressmen, the issue of Southern political injustice could no longer remain an abstract statistic, distant and dismissable. — Kwame Ture (Stokeley Carmichael).
 
 
The "fairness resolution" is defeated 149-276. But 149 votes to bar five "elected" members of Congress is an astonishing number, more than one-third of the House. The five from Mississippi are sworn in, but the three being directly challenged by Devine, Gray, and Hamer are only "provisionally" seated pending the outcome of the lengthy process.
 
In one sense, the vote to seat the Mississippi Congressmen is a defeat for justice and a victory for racism. Every member of Congress knows that for generations Blacks in Mississippi — indeed, across the South — have been illegally denied the right to vote. Yet when the time comes to take a stand, almost two-thirds of the House close their eyes to that injustice.
 
Yet in another sense, winning support from a third of the House for the objection is a huge victory for the Freedom Movement — not a conclusion of the struggle, but a major milestone nonetheless. And it has immediate effects in Mississippi. Editorials in the southern press squeal in outrage that the fair name of Mississippi has been "traduced by radicals." The local airwaves are filled with whining complaints that (as usual) Congress has turned against them and treated unfairly the fair defenders of the glorious "Southern way of life." But those 149 votes send a clear political message to the white power-structure.
 
 
 From January 4th, the MFDP has 40 days to gather evidence in support of their Challenge to the three provisionally seated Congressmen. The challenged Congressmen then have 40 days to collect counter-evidence, followed by 10 days for the MFDP to collect rebuttal evidence. All the evidence is then submitted to Congress, there are periods for filing briefs and legislative process, and then (finally) Congress votes to decide the issue (MFDP 1-10).
 
Though the mass media focuses mostly on the white volunteers, to some degree the nation is nevertheless becoming aware of voter registration and denial of basic human rights in the South as important issues. Just as the Freedom Rides, Birmingham Campaign, and St. Augustine Movement forced segregation onto the national agenda, media stories and personal letters from Freedom Summer volunteers begin doing the same for the denial of basic human rights in the South. Increasing numbers of northern voters — white as well as Black — call voting rights to the attention of Congress and the White House. As Freedom Summer ends, President Johnson is still telling Black leaders that new civil rights legislation is neither needed nor politically possible, but pressure is building. Pressure that in just four months will explode in Selma, Alabama (Freedom Summer 4).
 
Works Cited:
 
Bond, Zanice.  “Fannie Lou Hamer (1917-1977).”  BlackPast.  March 24, 2018.  Web.  https://www.blackpast.org/african-american-history/hamer-fannie-lou-1917-1977/
 
“Freedom Summer: The Results.”  Civil Rights Movement History
Mississippi Freedom Summer Events
.  Web.  https://www.crmvet.org/tim/tim64b.htm#1964atlantic
 
“MFDP Congressional Challenge (Nov '64-Sept '65).”  Civil Rights Movement History
1964 July-Dec. 
Web.  https://www.crmvet.org/tim/tim64c.htm#1964congress
 
Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party (MFDP).”  Digital Gateway, SNCC Legacy Project and Duke University.  Web.  https://snccdigital.org/inside-sncc/alliances-relationships/mfdp/
 
Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party.”  Stanford: The Martin Luther King, Jr. Research and Research Institute.  Web.  https://kinginstitute.stanford.edu/encyclopedia/mississippi-freedom-democratic-party-mfdp
 
Schein, Ruth.  Mississippi Freedom Summer Project Collection.”  The New York Public Library Archieves & Manuscripts.  Web.  http://archives.nypl.org/scm/20768